The Jewish population was then divided into some 3, Sephardim, concentrated mostly in southwestern France, and perhaps 30, Ashkenazim in eastern France. The leading families of the Sephardim engaged in international trade. The Ashkenazim in eastern France were foreign and un-French in their total demeanor.
The Jewish population was then divided into some 3, Sephardim, concentrated mostly in southwestern France, and perhaps 30, Ashkenazim in eastern France. The leading families of the Sephardim engaged in international trade.
The Ashkenazim in eastern France were foreign and un-French in their total demeanor. This community spoke Yiddish and was almost totally obedient to the inherited ways of life. The power of the community over the individual was much larger among the Ashkenazim than among the Sephardim, for rabbinic courts were, in Metz and in Alsace, the court of first jurisdiction for all matters involving Jews.
With the exception of a few rich army purveyors and bankers, Jews in eastern France made their living from petty trade, often in pursuits forbidden to them; by dealing in cattle; and from petty moneylending.
More than any other, this last occupation embroiled the Jews in conflict with the poorest elements in the local population, the peasants.
Another economic quarrel involved the Jews in several places in France, and especially in Paris, with the traditional merchant guilds. In March a royal decree was issued creating new positions in the guilds and making these new posts freely accessible to purchase by foreigners. Jews managed to enter the guilds in a few places in eastern France, and to bid for entry in Bayonne.
These efforts were fought in lawsuits everywhere. The new, Physiocratic insistence on productive labor had also helped sharpen the issue of "productivization" of the Jews in these years before the Revolution. In the intellectual realm the Jews became a visible issue of some consequence in the s and s for a variety of reasons.
The attack of the men of the Enlightenment on biblical religion inevitably involved these thinkers in negative discussion of the ancient Jews and, at least to some degree, of the modern ones. All of the newer spirits agreed that religious fanaticism, whether created by religion or directed against deviant faiths, needed to end.
With an increase in rights and better conditions, the Jews would improve. In July of that year a much more general decree was published which attempted a comprehensive law for the Jews in Alsace. It was a retrograde act. A few increased opportunities were afforded the rich but no Jew could henceforth contract any marriage without royal permission and the traditional Jewish pursuits in Alsace, the trade in grain, cattle, and moneylending, were surrounded with new restrictions.
The rich were given new scope for banking, large-scale commerce, and the creation of factories in textiles, iron, glass, and pottery. The Jewish leaders in Alsace fought against this decree, and especially against that part of it which ordered a census in preparation of the expulsion of all those who could not prove their legal right to be in the province.
This census was indeed taken and its results were published in Nonetheless, Jews continued to stave off the decree of expulsion until this issue was overtaken by the events of the Revolution. These quarrels and the granting of public rights to Protestants in kept the question of the Jews before the central government in Paris.
Delegations of both the Sephardi and the Ashkenazi communities were lobbying in Paris during these deliberations. The prime concern of the Sephardim was to see to it that no overall legislation for Jews resulted in which their rights would be diminished by making them part of a larger body which included the Ashkenazim.
The representatives of the Jews from eastern France followed their traditional policy of asking for increased economic rights and of defending the authority of the autonomous Jewish community. The Era of Revolution In the era of the Revolution the Jews did not receive their equality automatically.
The issue of Jewish rights was first debated in three sessions, Dec. A month later, in a very difficult session on Jan. The main argument, made by Talleyrand, was that these Jews were culturally and socially already not alien. The issue of the Ashkenazim remained unresolved.
It was debated repeatedly in the next two years but a direct vote could never be mustered for their emancipation. It was only in the closing days of the National Assembly, on Sept.
Even so, the parliament on the very next day passed a decree of exception under which the debts owed the Jews in eastern France were to be put under special and governmental supervision.
This was a sop to anti-Jewish opinion, which had kept complaining of the rapacity of the Jews. The Jews refused to comply with this act, for they said that it was contrary to the logic of a decree of equality. Opinion thus had remained divided even in the last days, when Jews were being given their liberty.
This division of opinion about the status of the Jews was, to some degree, based on traditional premises. The more modern of the two, Maury, went further, to quote Voltaire to help prove that the Jews were bad because of their innate character and that changes of even the most radical kind in their external situation would not completely eradicate what was inherent in their nature.
De la Fare was from eastern France, and he was joined in the opposition to the increase of Jewish rights by almost all of the deputies from that region regardless of their party.
He held that it was necessary to defend "a numerous, industrious, and honest class of my unfortunate compatriots who are oppressed and ground down by these cruel hordes of Africans who have infested my region. This group argued that the peasants were being artificially whipped up and that their hatred of the Jews would eventually vanish.
A policy of economic opportunity would allow the Jews to enter productive occupations and become an economic boon to the whole region.A New Patriotic Song, from a collection of material relating to the fear of a French invasion.
This ballad sheet from typically demonstrates publications encouraging loyalty to Britain as a reaction to the instability of the French Revolution.
Indeed, the revolution, though brought to light a multiplicity of momentous reform ideologies, is known as the most politically and socially complex revolution throughout France’s history on account of its various and multifaceted impact on French society.
French Revolution and Its Impact on the Modern Society Introduction French Revolution initiated in which focused on to bring the social justice in the society, at that time monarchy was in full flow, in the French society.
France felt under the rule of King Louie XVI, he rose to the throne at the age of 20 years and lacked the will and ideas to bring about the change in the French society. The French Revolution: A War of the Social Classes - The French Revolution was basically a war of the social classes.
The middle class believed that in order to gain equality they had to get rid of the privileges that were stopping the progress of their rise in society.
French Revolution and Its Impact on the Modern Society Introduction French Revolution initiated in which focused on to bring the social justice in the society, at that time monarchy was in full flow, in the French society. France felt under the rule of King Louie XVI, he rose to the throne at the age of 20 years and lacked the will and ideas to bring about the change in the French society.
Sep 13, · The French Revolution soon began to kill its own progenitors. More and more people were executed including Robespierre himself in King Louis XVI tried to escape the slaughter by fleeing to Germany, but he was caught at the border and Reviews: